Section 1


Author’s Note

The book that will be discussed below is the second edition, edited by Thomas Johnson and published in 1633, of John Gerard’s 1597 Herball. Due to its status as a revised edition, it is impossible to discuss some aspects of the 1633 edition without discussing its predecessor. For that reason, this paper will concern itself with aspects of both texts. All discussion of the physical condition or size of the text will be in reference to the copy of the 1633 edition donated to the Special Collections Department of the Love Library at San Diego State University by the San Diego based artist Amy Josephine Klauber Wormser. 

Introduction

The inaugural edition of John Gerard’s Herball was published in 1597. It was a large format, book containing a listing of numerous forms of flora for use by both medical and botanical professionals as well as the expanding English middle class (Harkins, 2007). In a society in which plants provided not only food but medical remedies, the book proved to be a resounding success, making Gerard a household name throughout England; this despite the fact that, even before its publication, there were controversies surrounding the book.
The commission to produce the text was first awarded to a Dr. Priest by John Norton, official printer to Queen Elizabeth I of England. The details of the commission were to produce a translation of the famous 1554 herbal by the Flemish Botanist Rembert Dodoens; however, Priest died while still in the process of completing the translation.  Priest’s death led to the rewarding of the commission to Gerard, a well-known figure in the quickly maturing botany scene in London. Gerard, who Anna Pavord describes as “a plagiarist and a crook (2005, p. 332)” made it plain in the text of the Herball that he had not used Priest’s translation, a claim that was known by many at the time to be false. Gerard did expand the material originally covered by Dodoens; however, this was done through the unwitting assistance of the noted Flemish physician and botanist, Mathias de Lobel, from whom Gerard lifted original unpublished research.
Mathias de Lobel
Even with these claims of plagiarism and intellectual property theft, Norton’s greatest concern was the rampant inaccuracies in the pre-printed draft (Harkins, 2007). Lobel, a highly respected contemporary and friend of Gerard, was hired to revise and edit the text. Working without Gerard’s knowledge, Lobel identified and correct over 1,000 mistakes from the first two sections of the Herball before Gerard caught word of his involvement. Once discovered, Gerard insisted Lobel be fired, an act which caused understandable strain on their relationship for the rest of their lives (Pavord, 2005). This decision, coupled with Gerard’s inability to match woodcuttings to their proper plants, lead to a book that was filled with inaccuracies. 
Despite the numerous issues sounding its preparation, Norton published the text in 1597. In the twenty years following its publication the flaws in the Herball could be overlooked because it was without comparative competition (Arber, 1935). When it became clear that a new herbalist, John Parkinson, was going to produce a competing text, Gerard’s estate commissioned London apothecary Thomas Johnson to rework the Herball. The commission provided Johnson just one year to not only complete Lobel’s edits, but update the book with the information that had been amassed since its publication thirty years prior.   
Just as Gerard took pains to distance himself from Dr. Priest’s translation, Johnson, an influential and respected botanist in his own right, would take pains to distance himself from the inaccuracies of the initial publication. This was begun in his introduction to the second edition and continued throughout the book by means of notating in each section of the text, the places where he had edited or augmented the original material. Johnson’s updates lengthened the text to just over 1,700 pages and fixed many of the inaccuracies of the first edition. His work produced a text that would not just survive, but thrive over the following century (Harkins, 2007).

Titles

The full title of the book is: Herball or generall historie of plantes.

Printers and Publishers

The printers of the book were Adam J. Flip, Joyce Norton, and Richard Whitakers. While little is known about the individuals, it is known that they worked out of the publishing house of Norton and Bonham.  John Norton, the publisher of the 1597 edition of the Herball, held the title of official printer to Queen Elizabeth I of England. At the time of publication, Norton’s shop was “one of the city’s busiest and most prestigious… [which] specialized in expensive, large format books (Harkins, 2007, P. 15).”

Place of Publication

The copy of the Herball held by San Diego State University is from the first printing of the second edition. It was printed in London, England in 1633.

Authors

John Gerard
The title page of the 1633 edition of the Herball describes the book as being “Gathered by John Gerard of London, Master in CHIRVRGERIE [archaic: Surgery].” Gerard was a self educated man of many accomplishments. Born in 1545, he was apprenticed at the age of 17 as a barber-surgeon. At 22 he took a job supervising the gardens of William Cecil, Lord Burghley (Rohde, 1971), who became his lifelong patron and to whom all editions of the Herball were dedicated. A separate text published by Gerard in 1596 and detailing the 1,039 species of plants in Cecil’s gardens was the first text ever produced to catalog a large private garden (Pavord, 2005).
Over the course of 11 years, beginning in 1597, Gerard rose through the ranks of the Barber-Surgeons, beginning as a warden and eventually taking on the role of master. Though widely respected as a botanical collector, his contemporaries felt he was lacking in technical knowledge as a botanist (Harkins, 2007). Harkins argues that it was not superior knowledge that has elevated Gerard over his contemporaries, but his ability to be published. However, this has not diminished his standing in modern times, where he still considered the most famous English herbalists (Raphael, 1986).
The second credit listed on the title page notes that the book was “Very much enlarged and amended by Thomas Johnson Citizen and apothecary of London (Gerard and Johnson, 1633).” Johnson was himself a highly regarded botanist and apothecary in his lifetime. While there are many gaps in our knowledge of his life, Johnson has a substantial claim to fame in the ranks of English botanists (Pavord, 2005); a claim that has begun to be fulfilled over the past 20 years.
Anna Pavord (2005) dedicates a fair amount of text to Johnson’s life and his influence on the study of English field botany; far more than authors of previous generations. Born shortly after the turn of the seventeenth century, almost nothing is known about him until 1629, at which time he had completed an eight year apprenticeship and began his career as a practicing apothecary in the Snow Hill section of London. Johnson’s long term goal was to produce a text containing all the plants in the British Isles. To that end he took multiple trips around the country and corresponded with other leading botanists.  Between 1629 and the beginning of the English Civil War in 1642 Johnson was very busy gathering and documenting flora in the English countryside. His efforts were laid out in his publication Mercurius botanicus. Published in two parts, the first in 1634 and the second in 1641, these texts were the first attempt at what would come to be known as a botany field guide.
Unfortunately, the beginning of the English Civil War a year after the second half of the book was published put an end of Johnson’s research. He was killed at the Siege of Basing House in September 1644 while fighting for the royalists. There is general agreement among modern experts that had Johnson survived the war and continued his work he would not have languished in undo obscurity as long as he did.

Section 2


Title Page (For early books: is there one, and with what developments?)

Title Page for 1633 edition
The title page of the book is highly decorated and includes pictures of a number of figures.
Pomona, a Roman goddess of fruit trees, gardens, and orchards, and Circe, a Greek goddess known for her use of herbs and drugs against Odysseus’ men in Homer’s Odyssey, are depicted at the head of the page. Between the goddesses is in a collection of fruit, vegetables and herbs. The entire scene is capped by an image of the sun breaking through the clouds with the Hebrew word “Yahweh” imprinted within a triangle inside the sun.  This solar image can be found on title pages in numerous herbal texts of this time. Below the sun is a scroll containing a quote, written in Latin, from the book of Genesis chapter 1 verse 29 in which God gives plants to man.
The middle tier of the page is dominated by an ornamental name plate flanked by two figures from antiquity. The figure to the hinge is the Greek philosopher Theophrastus. As Aristotle’s heir he was, among other things, the author of two herbal texts which acted as a seminal influence on later botanist. On the fore-edge is the Roman surgeon and author Dioscorides. Written during the early imperial period, Dioscorides’ De Materia Medica became the basis for 1,000 years of herbals and is considered to be the most important herbal text ever produced (Anderson, 1977).
The tail of the page is also split into three sections. To the hinge and fore-edge are potted plants. The center panel is constructed of a large picture of Gerard in full Elizabethan garb above a second name plate. In the case of the lower plate, the names of the printers: Adam J. Flip, Joyce Norton, and Richard Whitakers as well as the location and date of printing, London, 1633 are listed.

Introductions

Gerard's dedication to Lord William Cecil
The beginning of the Herball is dominated by a series of three introductions and dedications; the first two being written by Gerard and the final by Johnson. The first item is a two page dedication to Gerard’s patron, William Cecil. As is stated above, Gerard had managed numerous gardens for Cecil in the 20 years preceding the publication of the Herball. The next section, again a brief two pages, is entitled “to the courteous and well willing reader (Gerard and Johnson, 1633, p. ¶¶).” This is the formal introduction of the text. It is in this section that Gerard famously makes the erroneous claim that the earlier translation, begun by Dr. Priest, had been lost and all work in the book was of his own doing. Both of these sections were included in the original 1597 production of the book.
First page of Thomas Johnson's introduction 
 The final section was an introduction to the second edition penned by Johnson. It is in this section that Johnson begins to politely, but strongly, note that the current edition does not contain the inaccuracies present in the earlier publication. Another prominent aspect of this introduction is Johnson’s inclusion of a “Balanced and comprehensive historical introduction (Arber, 1935, p. 134)” to the subject of botany.

Contexts (Set the book into its period and provide some background information)

            The sixteenth and seventeenth centuries were a good time to be a European botanist. Prior to the Renaissance the field of botany was a dead science in Europe, consisting of the monastic reproduction of Greek and Roman period manuscripts (Pavord, 2005). While all herbals are, to some degree, durative of their predecessors, this rote reproduction began to decline around 1300 as botanists started to emphasize the use of empirical research and the scientific method. Although progress was being made, it was Gutenberg’s invention of the printing press in 1450 that truly kick started the age of the grand herbal. Through the use of movable type and woodblocks, physicians and botanists could compile comprehensive herbals containing hundreds or thousands of images at a fraction of the pre-printing cost and production time.
            While slower to take off than their continental neighbors, the community of English botanists was rapidly maturing in the years before the production of the Herball (Pavord, 2005). Though many of its most respected members were foreign born and educated, a number of native born experts were beginning to join the foreign born piers at the center of English herbal studies located around Lime Street in London. This community was highly collaborative with both professional members and wealthy amateurs counted among its ranks, and wealth was an exceedingly important factor in the collection and study of plants at this time.
            The first edition of Gerard’s Herball was published just 105 years after Columbus landed in the New World, and new plants were coming across the Ocean at an astonishing rate. The introduction of the potato, corn, yucca, and the banana all happened in the course of 50 years (Pavord, 2005). These voyages were expensive, and connections with the men making the trips were vital to the apothecaries and physicians responsible for the production of herbal texts. If nothing else, the ability to be the first to claim knowledge of a new exotic species of fruit was useful in the selling of a book.
            The production of the large format herbal was reaching its peak as Thomas Johnson began his career as an apothecary (Pavord, 2005). Gerard’s Herball, though twenty years out of date and riddled with factual inaccuracies, was so dominant that no one had attempted to compile a replacement. That is not to say that the work of discovering and cataloging new botanical samples was not continuing in earnest. Though scoffed at by a number of his older contemporaries, Johnson and a group of likeminded collectors and catalogers were scouring the countryside looking for flora which had not been previously described. In addition to their excursions to the outlying regions of the British Isles, they were also maintaining correspondence and trading new world and other exotic specimens and seeds.
            A final note on the time is that the detailed study of botany was rarely a science onto itself; the knowledge of plants and herbs was a required skill for doctors and apothecaries. As noted above, neither Gerard nor Johnson were listed as herbalists or botanists, but as a surgeon and an apothecary respectively. The two men from whom Gerard stole the majority of his information, Rembert Dodoens and Mathias Lobel, were prominent physicians, with Lobel acting as the personal physician to King James I of England.

Section 3


Incipt and explicit (for incunabula)

The Herball does not contain either an incipit or an explicit.

Colophon Size and Format (folio, quaro, octavo, etc)

            The Herball does not contain a Colophon. All information about the publication is included on the title page. Carter and Barker (2006) note that this is quite common for books produced after the early sixteenth century.  The binding of the book measures 34cm x 25cm, just slightly larger than the pages. While it is not possible to determine the number of folds in the sheets, the size and shape of the book mark it as a folio rather than a quaro or an octavo.

Page layout

            The design and construction of the pages is very clean, with the text closely spaced, using a small but easily readable font. Each plant is afforded its own chapter, with the majority being around 1 ½ – 2 pages in length. Each chapter contained a similar collection of information about its plant. Information included the name of the plant; a general description of it appearance; the places in which it grows (mud, loam, etc.); the time of year at which it grows; any different varieties (e.g.: red, yellow, and white roses); and the medical vertues of the plant. The vertues, or the medicinal properties of the plant, were so important to the text that a standalone reference section was included to assist the reader in cross referencing plants with similar uses.
Pages 616 and 617 from 1633 edition
Occasionally there is a page containing only pictures. These pages show between two and six related plants which were described on the previous pages. However, as most chapters contained at least one illustration placed within the text, these pages are the exception rather than the rule.
The margins left by the printers are small.  With the pages measuring 33cm x 24cm the margins are 2cm on the head and tail, 3cm at the fore-edge, and 2cm at the hinge.

Foliation/pagination

While pagination had become the standard practice of printers in the years preceding the production of the Herball (Carter and Barker, 2006) the book contains both foliated and paginated sections. In a style that would be familiar to modern readers, both the introductions at the beginning and reference sections found at the end of the book are foliated, albeit rather inconsistently. Sections are described using a ¶ symbol. The first section is labeled with a single ¶, the second with ¶¶ and so forth. Where there are multiple folios in a section the folios are marked ¶1, ¶2…
The text of the Herball is broken into three unequal books. These sections were consistently paginated. The heading was printed as follows:
LIB. 2.                                                  Of the History of Plants                                            463
[Book number]                                                 [Title]                                                      [Page number]

Printer’s device – type (i.e. Roman, Italic, Gothic, etc.)

While the dominant font used for the publication was Roman (Arber, 1938) there were a number of different typefaces used throughout the book. The Herball, being a book concerned with the description of plants from around the world, provided the names of plants in numerous languages. This often led to prose based lists that contained a number of different languages, often times in the same sentence. The printer, in order to aid the reader, developed a system by which each language was printed in its own font consistently throughout the book. It appears that the choice of type was developed based on common type faces used at the time by printers in the languages’ nation of origin. Examples of this would be the use of a Gothic font for names in German, or an Italic font for Italian names. This device is clearly visible in the discussion of the Cat Tail plant on page 46 (Gerard and Johnson, 1633).

Color printing / Rubication

There is no color printing or rubication found anywhere in the book.

Decoration (MS or Printed)

Page 1616 and 1617 describing forms of coral

 

As the Herball is an edited edition of an older book, it is relevant to discuss the origins of the decorations of the first edition. While expanded, the scheme of decoration for the 1633 edition is principally the same.
All of the illustrations in the Herball were produced by means of woodblock printing, this being standard practice at the time (Harkins, 2007). The first edition contained just over 1800 illustrations, of which 16 were original to the volume. The remaining images were created using the same block used in the production of renowned German botanist Jakob Theodor’s Taberneamontanus (Anderson, 1977).  These blocks, of much higher quality than those produced by Gerard himself, were procured via a loan through the printer. Of the 16 original woodblocks, the most noted is the potato found on page 158 (Gerard, 1597); its inclusion marks a first for English language texts (Pavord, 2005).
Most, of the 1631 pages of plant text found in the 1633 edition of the Herball include at least one illustration. The majority of the woodcuts used in Johnson’s updated edition came from a stock used in the production of herbals by the published Plantin (Arber, 1938). Just as the 1597 edition had broken new ground by being the first to include an illustration of a potato, the 1633 edition was the first introduction to the banana (Pavord, 2005). Johnson had received the plant as a gift and displayed the fruit in front of his shop, “where they caused a sensation (p. 346)” among the London public.
There are other forms of decoration found in the 1633 Herball aside from images of plants. Decorative headers can be found at the beginning of all introductory information as well as each of the indexes at the end of the book. These headers are comparable to those used in the production of the first folios of Shakespeare (as reprinted in Daiches, 1974) produced 10 years earlier. Additionally, each of the 816 chapters is begun with a stylized capitol also made using woodblock printing.

Section 4


Illumination/Painting

There are no illuminations or paintings. As noted above, the second edition of the Herball was produced in under a year in order to preempt the publication of a potential rival. The process of illuminating the edition could have been done privately, but in the case of this copy was not.

Binding

Cover on 1633 edition housed at SDSU
 The binding of the book is leather bound with an emblazoned flower and a debossed boarder on the cover. The spine contains the title also in gold debossing. Based on the condition of the binding as well as materials used for the boards and the paste down end paper, the cover appears to be from the turn of the nineteenth century. Bernard Middleton (1963) notes that by the late eighteenth century England had begun to produce high quality pasteboard, which was being used in place of wood for the binding of books. The end pages of the book are a design known as Dutch marble; a style that was popular from the 1650s though the 1840s.
The binding of the book shows definite signs of age. The corners of the boards are worn through, exposing the pasteboard. The leather is cracked and broken in places and the headcaps are detaching from the spine. The broken headcaps are not a total loss however as they allow for the headbands to be counted. There are a total of 39 headbands, meaning that each signature contain roughly 21 folios. 

Endleaves and flyleaves

The book contains two heavy gauge flyleaves. As with the binding, these materials are not original to the book. The flyleaf paper was clearly produced at a date after the rest of the book. 

Conclusion/summary

List of mistakes and misprints on final page of 1633 edition
The Herball contains no conclusion or summary. The descriptive text ends and is followed immediately by the beginning of the indexes. There is, however, a printed note on the final page of the book containing a list of errors and apologies. Produced by Johnson, the list includes “Faults in Figures transposed,” or errors by the printer, and “Faults in words and marks,” or errors by the author. The section notes the mistake and on which page it can be found.

   Reference Page(s) topic must have its own heading followed by the pertinent information.

First page of the "table of Virteus"
There are numerous reference sections to be found in the 1633 Herball.
The first set of reference information is a list of the Latin names of each plant contained within the text. This section, which includes page references, shows clear signs of use. Many of the pages contain post production ink spots and there are clear wear patterns along the edges as if they had been handled indelicately.
The next section contains a list of archaic English names that were used in previous texts (Pavord, 2005). It is not an exhaustive list, but does contain page numbers for quick reference. It was supplemented with an additional two sections; one containing additional names noted by Thomas Johnson in his travels, and the other a catalog of British names sent to Johnson by fellow botanist Robert Davies. Neither of the two supplemental sections contain page references. 
The final reference section is “A TABLE WHEREIN IS CONTAINED THE NATURE AND VERTUES OF ALL THE Herbs, Trees, and Plants described in this Present Herball (Gerard and Johnson, 1633, unnumbered page).” This section contains an alphabetical listing of ailments and the plants that can be used to cure them. Through consultation of this section, a reader could determine which plant or herb would best ease their current discomfort. Pavord (2005) makes the argument, echoed by previous authors, that this section was largely responsible for the success of the book with the increasingly literate middle classes. It is therefore unsurprising to see that this section, like the Latin Index before it, shows signs of regular use.

Items of Note

            There are a number of important impacts to come from the publication of the 1597 Herball; one that I find interesting comes from Gerard’s refutation of a common superstition (Rohde, 1971). The mandrake plant, known best to modern readers as the plant with the deadly roots from the Harry Potter series, was a common English plant at the time of the books production. The belief, stemming from the human appearance of the root ball, that the uprooting of a mandrake can be fatal was so widely held that early herbals contained both a warning about and a solution for uprooting the plant. The suggestion was to tie the plant to a hungry dog and throw some meat out of reach. When the dog ran for the meat it would uproot the plant and the animal, not the human, would take the fatal blow. Gerard noted that he had repotted many mandrakes himself and there was no danger in doing so.
Other interesting aspects of the 1633 edition include its suggestions for medical treatments of the time. The Herball contains a page and a half section about the medical benefits of tobacco. These include brewing a pot of tobacco tea and drinking it to cure morning sickness brought on by pregnancy.

Conclusion

            Both the 1597 and the 1633 editions of Gerard’s Herball were significant works in the history of English botany. While numerous charges have been leveled against Gerard’s character and ability as an author, there is no question that what he produced held a lasting place in a society that valued plants as both food and medicine. Johnson’s role as the great amender was equally as vital. Without the modifications and additions he provided before his untimely death, there is a very real possibility that the Herball would not have survived as the standard bearer of seventeenth century English herbals.

Work cited

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